Social Policy Responses To Domestic Violence Social Work Essay

Social Policy Responses To Domestic Violence Social Work Essay This essay will evaluate the current social policy responses to the social issue of domestic violence. Domestic violence is a multi-faceted issue affecting the perpetrator, the survivor and their families. This means that many agencies may need to be involved. Domestic violence is prevalent within all strata of society, rich and poor, with no regard for religion, ethnicity or geographical location, and accounts for fifteen percent of violent crimes (Home Office, 2009). It is estimated that domestic violence cost the nation  £23 billion per year (Womens Aid, 2007d). It is not only committed by men against women but by women on men and within same sex relationships. However as the majority of incidents are perpetrated by men against women with a greater risk of repeat offending and worse severity of violence experienced this essay will concentrate on this aspect. To fully understand this issue this essay will explore the historical roots of domestic violence, looking at how attitudes may have originated, what challenges have caused them to change and what further changes may be necessary. It will then explore changes in the legislation and how this affects the polices powers and their use of them. It will then go on to explore criminal justice responses, such as Specialist Domestic Violence Courts and Integrated Domestic Abuse Programmes, evaluating their efficacy. It will then examine the social policy responses affecting the survivors of domestic abuse, such as the creation of police Domestic Violence Units, sanctuary schemes, housing, support services, and child protection. It will also look at methods used to identify possible domestic violence victims. It will show that the current emphasis on criminal justice responses is diverting resources away from frontline womens services, which can disproportionately affect women from Black and et hnic minority communities. Historically there has been no concept of domestic violence. According to Carlson Brown (1994) this is because of the patriarchal society that existed, and to some extent still exists, which was sanctioned by religious texts. It was the belief was that women and children were the property of the man and it was his duty to discipline them as he saw fit. This ideology was only challenged in recent decades by the rise of feminism. The introduction of the contraceptive pill in the nineteen-sixties gave women the freedom of choice over their reproduction, and therefore other areas of their lives. However, at first only physical abuse was considered domestic violence but in the nineteen-eighties sexual abuse began to be considered as domestic violence. In spite of this re-evaluation marital rape was not considered a crime until 1991 in England and Wales (Rape Crisis, 2008). In recent times the definition of domestic violence has been widened to the current government definition: Any incident of threatening behaviour, violence or abuse (psychological, physical, sexual, financial or emotional) between adults who are or have been intimate partners or family members, regardless of gender or sexuality (Home Office, 2009). This definition therefore covers less traditional family arrangements and practices from different cultures, such as honour-based violence, forced marriages and female genital mutilation. This means that domestic violence is not classified as a single offence but several different related offences, such as common assault, rape, false imprisonment and attempted murder. However there are still some incidents, such as psychological and emotional abuse, which whilst highly upsetting to the survivors are not prosecutable offences. This definition concentrates on adults and thus neglects those aged under eighteen, however a programme on youngsters in secure childrens homes revealed that girls as young as ten years old were experiencing physical abuse at the hands of their intimate partners (BBC Radio 4, 20 April 2009). Therefore there exists yet more of the population whos need for protection and support require addressing. One of the main ways for government to address the issue of domestic violence is through legislation. The Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004 was introduced to tackle the issue of domestic violence in a multitude of ways. The acts intention was to give greater power to the police and courts when dealing with the perpetrators of domestic violence whilst providing increased protection to the survivors (Home Office, 2008a). One of the ways of increasing police powers was to make common assault an arrestable offence, this can allow the survivor a period of reflection to help them decide whether they wish to continue with prosecution or not. This continues moves, started in the nineteen-eighties, away from the police trying to reconcile the parties involved towards zero tolerance of domestic violence. However this may lead to less incidents being reported as the survivor may not wish to criminalize her partner, especially if he is the father of her children. This is even more ap plicable within the Black and ethnic minority communities who, due to fears over racist discrimination, are less likely to look to the police for aid (Womens Aid, 2007a). A further change in police power was to make the breach of non-molestation orders an arrestable offence, which carries a prison sentence of up to five years. The nature of non-molestation orders was also changed to recognise the needs of same sex couples and non-cohabiting couples for the same protection afforded heterosexual cohabiting couples. It is hoped that these measures will reduce the number of breaches of these orders, and therefore afford greater protection to survivors, due to the greater sanctions now attached. This change also means that the survivor is a witness in a criminal matter and no longer responsible for taking action over the prosecution nor burdened with the costs of that prosecution. However this can mean that the Crown Prosecution Service may pursue cases that the survivor may wish dropped, which could lead to her being disempowered and feeling not in control once again (Womens Aid, 2007a). Also in making breach of non-molestation orders a criminal matter th is moved them from closed family courts, where only the parties involved were in chambers, to criminal courts, which allows both press and public audience, although press restriction can be put in place to protect the identity of witnesses in these cases (Womens Aid, 2007a). Another government response was to create Specialist Domestic Violence Courts (SDVCs). The SDVC programme started in 2006 with an initial twenty-three SDVCs, more have been accredited each subsequent year to give the current total of one-hundred-and-five. According to the Home Office (2006) the SDVC programme forms part of a multi-agency response to domestic violence, which is intended to provide greater safety for the survivors and call perpetrators to account through various means of intervention. Some of the measures used in SDVCs include using specially trained judges, fast racking of domestic violence cases and access to Independent Domestic Violence Advisors (IDVAs) to provide specialist support (Womens Aid, 2008a). In a Home Office (2008b) review of the original twenty-three SDVCs it was found that there was a higher percentage of arrests made for domestic violence crimes and there was a higher percentage of successful prosecutions when compared with non-SDVCs within the same area. There were high levels of support provided by the IDVAs both within and outside the criminal justice system which increased survivor safety and satisfaction. These results are believed to improve public confidence in the criminal justice system. However where SDVCs were found to have a lower percentage of successful prosecutions it was found that there was a higher percentage of Black and ethnic minority defendants. This shows that there are still issues to be dealt with when dealing with cases from these communities. Womens Aid (2008a) also calls into question the government emphasis on using the criminal justice system to tackle domestic violence issues as this means that only those who report an incident, about twenty-four percent of survivors, have access to this specialized help. This means that a large proportion of survivors are without support or accessing other domestic violence support services that are lacking political and financial support as a result. Another government initiative designed to reduce incidents of domestic violence is the Integrated Domestic Abuse Programme (IDAP). This is a programme for up to twenty-seven week for the perpetrators of domestic violence to address their offending behaviour. The perpetrator must have a Community Rehabilitation Order (CRO) or a Community Punishment and Rehabilitation Order (CPRO) with conditions to attend. Its aim is to challenge the perpetrators beliefs and attitudes towards domestic violence thus reducing the risk of reoffending. It also offers the partners of the offenders a support group (Home Office, 2004). This programme requires a lot of staff time and training; it also requires significant administration. All of which comes from the probation areas budget. Womens Aid (2007b) believes that these programmes can modify offender behaviour and provide support survivors with support. However these programmes are not always successful in changing the perpetrators behaviour and can gi ve survivors unrealistic expectations that may lead to unsound decisions around their own safety. They may also neglect supporting the survivor to concentrate on their role reporting on the perpetrators behaviour. Also reports have shown that due to budget restraints there are long waiting lists of up to two years for these programmes. This has lead to, in 2007, over four thousand orders by the court being handed down whilst only one thousand eight hundred being completed, with some cases of repeat offending whist waiting for a place on a programme (Doward, 2008). A government study shows that there is a strong link between domestic violence and alcohol abuse with sixty-two percent of offences involving alcohol and forty-eight percent of the sample group being alcohol dependant (Gilchrist et al, 2003). Therefore another approach to tackling domestic violence is ordering perpetrators with alcohol problems to attend treatment programmes. However alcohol abuse is not a cause of domestic violence but it is often used as an excuse for violent behaviour. In fact, according to Womens Aid (2005a) treating the perpetrators alcohol or drug issues can lead to an increase in violence especially during the withdrawal period. Therefore this must be tackled holistically addressing both the offending behaviour and the drug and/or alcohol problem whilst ensuring the survivors safety and that of her children, if any. Not all social policy responses deal with the perpetrators of domestic violence. Many focus on the survivors and their families. One of the main responses was to create dedicated Domestic Violence Units (DVUs) with specialist trained officers. The overriding aim of these units is to protect survivors and their families and ensure that domestic abuse is treated just as seriously as any other violent crime. These units specifically try to tackle the unwillingness of survivors to report incidents of domestic violence due to the belief that the police will not take them seriously or will be unable to help (Womens Aid, 2008b). This is particularly the case with women from the Black and ethnic minority community who can face stigmatism from their communities and may also fear institutional racism from the police. Those survivors with insecure immigration status may also fear deportation should they leave their partner and report domestic violence (Womens Aid, 2009c). To assist survivors DV Us can refer them onto other support services, which can advise them about their rights, and liaise with the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) over the prosecution of domestic violence. To help protect survivors from repeat victimisation DVUs can refer them to the Sanctuary Scheme which allows the survivor to stay within their own home, and avoid upheavals and further distress, as long as the perpetrator is no longer living with them. It does this by providing extra security measures such as sanctuary rooms where the survivor can remain safe from the perpetrator whilst waiting for the police to arrive. However not all home are suitable for this scheme due to their construction or location and not all survivors would wish to remain in their own home (Communities and Local Government, 2006). In these cases DVUs can refer the survivor to a refuge or the local authoritys homelessness unit. Domestic violence is one of the main causes of homelessness in women (Rights of Women, 2007) and is particularly problematical as there may be several issues complicating the matter. Womens refuges provide safe accommodation whether or not the woman has reported domestic violence to the police. However accessing a refuge is particularly difficult as there is limited provision with only 373 womens refuges in the whole country (Coy et al, 2009). Also not all refuges can accommodate large families, some place restrictions on the upper ages of male children, necessitating the splitting up of already distressed families. Some refuges are unable to accommodate those with physical disabilities or those with mental health and/or substance abuse issues. There are some refuges that specialise in meeting the needs of the Black and ethnic minority groups but demand far outstrips supply (Hall and Whyte, 2003). When a suitable place in a refuge is not available the local authority may have a duty to re-house survivors of domestic violence. There are certain criteria that must be met for the local authority to re-house survivors: that they have not made themselves intentionally homeless; they are in priority need; they are eligible; and they have a local connection. However it is up to the local authority to assess whether the survivor is in priority need. In some areas this means that those without children are not considered to be in priority need thus discriminating against those who for whatever reason do not have children. A further complication is that many survivors are financially dependent upon their abuser, although there help for some is available through the benefits system not all are aware of this, especially those whose main language is not English (Dhillon-Kashyap, 1994) and may have been kept unaware of this by their abuser as a means of control. Those subject to immigration control with no recourse to public funds would not be able to pay for a refuge place or other accommodation through housing benefit, as many do, but there other forms of funding sometimes available for refuges, but this is limited due to funding restraints (Womens Aid, 2007c). DVUs can also refer survivors to Womens Aid, which is a charity that provides specialist support and advice. However they do not limit themselves to those who have reported domestic violence, any woman suffering from domestic violence can access them. Womens Aid can help survivors access other forms of help such as helping children affected by living with domestic violence or experiencing abuse themselves, housing, benefits, mental health services and substance abuse treatment. Due to funding constraints there are waiting lists for this vital support. One of the most important aspects of Womens Aids work is their counselling service, as once a survivor has left their abuser one of the main indicators that they may return is whether they attribute of the responsibility for the abuse to themselves or the abuser (Worth and Tiggemann, 1996). The counselling offered examines this. Another indicator of return is the attitude of their family towards their actions (Worth and Tiggemann, 1996) , this is particularly pertinent for women from Black and ethnic minority communities who may face censure from their family and community. Womens Aid also supports those who wish to remain living with their violent partners, helping them to do so in the safest way possible. Womens Aid also works with other agencies representing its service users needs and experiences. Children who live in a home where domestic violence is taking place can be very badly affected and may experience behavioural problems (McFarlane et al, 2003). Although a child may not witness domestic violence they may be aware of it taking place: they may hear it; or witness the resulting injuries. If they do witness domestic violence they may get injured trying to intervene. Research has shown that between thirty and sixty-six percent of children that live in a home where domestic violence is taking place also face abuse themselves (Womens Aid, 2009b). In all of these cases it is more than likely that the child will need counselling to deal with the trauma experienced. Despite all this an abusive parent can still apply through the courts to have contact with their child. It is commonly felt that it is in the best interests of the child to have contact with both parents. When there is the risk of abduction of further abuse of the child an evaluation by an officer from the Children and Family Courts Advisory and Support Service (CAFCASS) can be made to ascertain whether contact is advisable and is so what nature it should take. Contact may happen in a contact centre. However these centres are usually staffed by volunteers and may not be able to provide the continuous supervision necessary (Womens Aid, 2009d). If the mother does not comply with the contact order because of fears for the childs or her own safety she will be in contempt of court and can face sanctions such as fines, withdrawal of legal aid, transfer of residence and even imprisonment. Womans Aid may also need to refer their service users to drug and alcohol services because women suffering domestic violence are fifteen times more likely to misuse alcohol and those who report domestic abuse are nine times more likely to misuse drugs than women in the general population (Womens Aid, 2009a). This may be because they use drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism or their abuser has used drugs and alcohol as a means of control (Finney, 2004). Whatever the reasons this further complicates matters for the survivor. As mentioned earlier this can make it more difficult for a survivor to get a place in a refuge. Also it can be a hindrance in reporting domestic violence, as the survivor may fear being stigmatised as an alcoholic or a drug addict (Womens Aid, 2009a). If the survivor wishes to tackle their substance issues this can be difficult as funding for treatment is restricted and many treatment services are male-orientated and may have mixed groups where she may not feel able to discuss those issues affecting her (Womens Aid, 2009a). Another governmental response is attempting to identify potential survivors of domestic violence. As thirty percent of domestic violence starts during pregnancy and domestic violence is the prime cause of miscarriage or stillbirth, and maternal death during childbirth (Womans Aid, 2005b) the government has set up an antenatal screening policy to identify those at risk. This involves providing specialised training for midwives and other healthcare providers to help them encourage pregnant women experiencing domestic violence to disclose this, but it must be done in a safe way and this can be difficult with the, usually, controlling nature of the perpetrator. However it has been found that not all healthcare providers routinely question all patients as they believed that they were able to identify those who were experiencing domestic abuse and would only question those who they felt may be experiencing domestic violence (Jeanjot et al, 2008). Also midwives reported concerns about acces sing support for themselves and colleagues as almost nineteen percent had reported experiencing domestic violence themselves (Barnet, 2005). The Corston Report found that a disproportionate number of female prisoners, when compared to the general population, had suffered domestic violence (Corston, 2007). This may be for a variety of reasons: their abuser forced them to commit crimes; they committed crimes to go to prison and escape the abuse they faced; or they committed the crimes to support their drug and/or alcohol addiction. Whatever the reasons the Corston Report recommended that there should be mandatory provision of support for women who had been raped, abused or experienced domestic abuse in every regional resettlement plan (Corston, 2007). The government has accepted this recommendation and it is part of the Strategic Plan for Reducing Re-Offending, which was launched in spring 2008, and it is hoped that it will help prevent chronic social exclusion (Ministry of Justice, 2007). However it has not been implemented as yet. It has been shown that domestic violence is a highly complex issue where both the perpetrators and survivors tend to have multiple needs that must be addressed. Legislation has tried to meet the needs of people with different life-style choices. It has also been shown that the creation of Specialist Domestic Violence Courts has had some success in improving conviction rates and survivor satisfaction, but still needs to address conviction rates amongst Black and ethnic minority defendants. The Integrated Domestic Abuse Programmes have had limited success, due to budgetary restraints causing long delays in perpetrators being placed on a programme and their offending behaviour is difficult to change. Also any other issues the perpetrator may have need to be addressed at the same time. It has been demonstrated that the emphasis on a criminal justice response neglects the majority of cases that are not reported to the police. This can disproportionately affect women from the Black and eth nic minority communities, and those with insecure immigration status as they are less likely to report incidents of domestic violence for various reasons. The emphasis on the criminal justice approach to tackling domestic violence also means that a disproportionate amount of funding is directed away from other important measures, such as refuges and other support services, that could be of more help to the vast majority who decide not to report incidents of domestic violence or do not want to engage with the criminal justice system. This funding could also be used for increased staffing at contact centres to help ensure the safety of children and their mothers, whilst still allowing them to interact with their fathers. Or it could be used for female orientated substance misuse treatment. Extra funding, which could come from other sources such as that allocated for the use of CCTV, could also identify and help other survivors through antenatal screening or within the female prison po pulation. Word Count: 3649 REFERENCES Barnet, C. (2005) Exploring Midwives attitudes to domestic violence screening. British Journal of Midwifery. 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[Online] Available from http://www.womensaid.org.uk/domestic-violence-survivors-handbook.asp?section=000100010008000100360003. [Accessed August 14th 2009]. Womens Aid (2009b) The Survivors Handbook Children and Domestic Violence. [Online] Available from http://www.womensaid.org.uk/domestic-violence-survivors-handbook.asp?section=000100010008000100380001sectionTitle=Children+and+domestic+violence. [Accessed August 13th 2009] Womens Aid (2009c) The Survivors Handbook Immigration. [Online] Available from http://www.womensaid.org.uk/domestic-violence-survivors-handbook.asp?section=000100010008000100350002. [Accessed August 13th 2009]. Womens Aid (2009d) The Survivors Handbook Making Arrangement for Children After Separation. [Online] Available from http://www.womensaid.org.uk/domestic-violence-survivors-handbook.asp?section=000100010008000100380002sectionTitle=Making+arrangements+for+children+after+separation. 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Customized Learning Theory Essay

Educational techniques have been around for many centuries. Through the centuries, teaching techniques have not changed. However, many methods have emerged which has been defined as educational theory. Students have many different learning styles that help them learn. Teachers must learn how to teach to include each of the learning styles so each student learns what they need to know. Teaching students with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) can be very difficult to teach. These students need to be active in what they are doing and what they are learning. Using the kinesthetic learning style will help tremendously when teaching a child with ADHD. Learning disabilities are problems that affect the brain’s ability to receive, process, analyze, or store information. These problems can make it difficult for a student to learn as quickly as someone who is not affected by learning disabilities. Certain kinds of learning disabilities can interfere with a person’s ability to concentrate or focus and can cause someone’s mind to wander too much. Other learning disabilities can make it difficult for a student to read, write, spell, or solve math problems. Research is being conducted daily to be able to determine which learning theories work for which student. Some students learn better by listening, some by doing and some by hearing. Although, teaching can be dated back to the bible, Proverbs 4:2 states â€Å"I give you sound learning, so do not forsake my teaching† (Holy Bible, NIV). Romans 12:7 states that â€Å"if it is serving, then serve; if it is teaching, then teach† (Holy Bible, NIV). No matter what a teacher teaches, as long as each student gets what they deserve out of the teaching is the only thing that matters. Learning Theory and its Importance Every teacher has his or her own learning theory. Not every theory is the same. One of the best known learning theories in use today is the Piaget’s theory (Slavin, 2012). Piaget believed that there were four factors that lead to a child’s development. Children use aids and begin to understand how things work which helps the child learn how to do things for themselves. Another factor is that children learn from socializing with other children their age. This gives the child an opportunity to view other children’s behaviors and learn from each behavior. The child will then be able to develop their own patterns and personality. From there, the child can make their own decisions and find out what works best for them. Culture plays a big part in ways that affect learning theories. Vygotsky thought of the practice of education as a source rather than a result of the development of cognitive and learning skills. Many people before Vygotsky believed that people possessed the essential learning ability; however, it just needed to be coaxed out. Adolescence is one of the most trying times for a new Christian. According to Hosseini, Elias, Krauss, & Aishah (2010), adolescence is a point in time when an individual makes a choice in their future education, any major life roles, any relationships, and where a child establishes toward long-term goal to work toward to. This proves that it is imperative of having Christian principles of morality integrated into the school systems. Description of an Effective Teacher and Learning Environment Being an effective teacher takes a lot of determination, understanding and commitment and also considered to be an intentional teacher. When a teacher focuses too much of his or her instruction on one area, other instructional areas could drop. Slavin (2012) states that teaching involves planning and preparation, and the components which make a good teacher are decision making, reflection, application of education research and self-knowledge and self-regulation. Teachers need to be highly qualified according to federal law. The problem was that a negative impact of the requirement of having highly qualified teacher on recruitment and retention of personnel in rural areas was feared. Leading educators in education and special education have argued that the requirement may worsen the already significant critical shortages and attrition rate in rural special education. Another problem that was brought up was the cost to have highly qualified teachers and no extra compensation. Administrators fear that they might not be able to recruit special education teachers who meet the highly qualified standard. This legislation has made an impact on the rural areas of public and private schools. If the standards are set high, then individuals who would want to be teachers would see education as â€Å"not as attractive as other career options† (Courtade et. al. , 2010, p. 10). Everybody knows that there are no two children who learn at the same pace but only an effective teacher would understand this. An effective teacher would use different learning styles to help educate each child. Direct instruction and setting objectives are important in the classroom. Being able to translate directive instructions clearly and concisely is imperative. An effective teacher wants to make sure the student can understand what is being taught which makes the difference between good and great learning. Being able to effectively deliver educational material would allow the students to become confident with his or her ability to learn what is being taught. According to Slavin (2012), poor delivery of lesson plans can have a negative impact on a student’s mental set. When a teacher has a good lesson delivery, it allows the students to become more confident; however, it is necessary that the lesson delivery be given using various delivery methods. During classroom instructions, a student does not only need ample time to learn new material, the student needs to review old material that was already taught. Having the time to review and learn new material shows the students how the old and new material goes together and instills the importance of all the material. Homework is a part of a lesson plan that is extremely important. Homework was once thought to be essential to learning and should be mandatory. It was once thought that homework was important and can further a student’s education more than a student who did not complete the homework assignments. This was contradicted when research was conducted when students were allowed to choose whether or not they wanted to do homework. Results showed that the group who did not do the homework outperformed the students who did the mandatory homework (Gutarts & Baines (2010). Technology has become a big part in education. Technology has taken over the ranks for textbooks, emails, information, and paper. Several counties in Virginia have been using iPads and laptops instead of textbooks (Reid, 2011). Digital technology holds enormous potential for transforming instruction (Reid, 2011). The introduction of new technology into the classroom is an important component to help foster a learning environment that will encourage problem-solving and critical thinking (Reid, 2011). However, if a teacher chooses to use any form of technology in the classroom, the teacher needs to be well educated with technology. Some people would think that if a teacher was illiterate when it comes to computers, then why teach with them or use computers in a classroom. A teacher may not need to know the â€Å"ins and outs† of technology but he or she must know what websites are trusted, how to â€Å"surf† the internet, send out emails, set up blackboards, and use whiteboards (which can display what is on the computer onto the wall or blackboard). Technology has been very helpful when it comes to distance learning. Distance learning has helped many adults go back to college to get a degree when his or her life does not allow them to go to an actual classroom. Individuals with reading disabilities tend to become overwhelmed with reading and other activities during school. A child who cannot read well and is in middle school will not be able to take proper notes because he or she does not know how to write well either. In one study, a teacher used an iPad as a tool to help a fifth grade struggling reader with ADHD. The use of the iPad helped the student focus attention, and the iPad also helped the student become more metacognitive in reading. Using the iPad showed an increase of one year’s growth in a six week period using pre- and post-assessments (McClanahan, Williams, Kennedy, & Tate, 2012). The student also gained in confidence and sense of being in control of his learning. While generalizations to other struggling readers with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder cannot be made, the success this student experienced suggests that the use of this device is worth serious consideration and research in similar contexts (McClanahan, et. al. , 2012). Learning Characteristics: Modalities and Ability Grouping Learning modalities are important when it comes to learning and teaching. The three different types of modalities include, visual, auditory, and kinesthetic. According to Anderson (n. d. ), learning modalities are the sensory channels or pathways through which individuals give, receive, and store information. Perception, memory, and sensation include the notion of modality. Approximately 25-30% of students are visual learners (Anderson, n. d. ). Visual learners are those who learn by seeing (Anderson, n. d. ). Approximately 25-30% of students are auditory learners (Anderson, n. d. ). Auditory learners are those who must hear what he or she hears to really understand it. Approximately 15% of students are tactile or kinesthetic learners (Anderson, n. . ). Tactile or kinesthetic learners need to feel and touch and get a better understanding if movement is involved. However, students can have mixed modalities which include visual and auditory, visual and kinesthetic, and auditory and kinesthetic. There are about 25-30% of students who have mixed modalities (Anderson, n. d. ). Learning modalities are important but it is not the only thing that helps the students. Teachers need to be prepared in their subject and need to be knowledgeable in the area they are teaching. Just because a teacher is knowledgeable, does not make them an intentional teacher and does not make them knowledgeable in writing lesson plans. If a teacher does not know how to deliver the knowledge to the students, the students are not going to learn as much as they should. When a teacher makes a lesson plan, it helps the teacher to be prepared and helps the teacher know how to convey much needed knowledge to the students. The concept of ability grouping goes along with learning modalities. Ability grouping allows students to group together based on their ability to learn. Ability grouping allows students of higher level to be grouped with high achieving students. Ability grouping also allows students of lower level to be grouped with lower achieving students. This type of grouping makes the assumption that the teacher will be able to teach the students based on the same level. This causes a problem because it can cause the lower level students to fall further being the higher level students because they are not taught the same things and the same ways. Personal Reflection When conducting the Learning Styles Profile on myself, it made me aware of my learning styles which is that I am a more of a visual learner than anything but I feel that I am more of a kinesthetic learner so I would classify myself as having mixed modalities. Just watching something being done would not keep my attention but if I watched something being done while I was doing it, then I would have a better understanding. I would use this as part of my theory because an effective teacher has to have something for everyone. An effective teacher would have instructions for the auditory, visual and kinesthetic students so that each student can learn his or her own way. When conducting the Philosophical Methodology of Learning Profile, it showed that I scored highest and I have strong feeling in progressivist, and traditionalist methodology. My lowest score was actually a negative score and that was in socialist methodology. Inasmuch as I am an extreme progressivist, not all of it is true. I believe that everything has to have a point and to be proven but that does not mean that I deny the existence of God. I really believe that in the progressive mode the teacher becomes the facilitator or the director of learning, while the student becomes the center of focus as an individual. I believe that school revolves around the children. I believe that if a teacher looks at a class as a whole and not individuals, the individuals who need help will not get it. A child with special needs â€Å"slips through the cracks† all the time, and in my opinion, that is not acceptable. The supervisor of learning can direct the learning from different perspectives ultimately considering the needs of the individual. An experience centered approach stems from this philosophical methodology using projects, cooperative group activities, and critical thinking and problem solving, decision-making skills. Getting children to work together as well as separately will help the children get ideas off of other students. This way, the student will know if they need extra help in a certain area and can ask for help when needed. Conclusion Each child learns differently. Each teacher has to have his or her own theory on what would work in his or her classroom. Schools are for learning† and â€Å"teaching promotes learning, but learning also takes place through experience and individual study† (Van Brummelen, 2009, p. 13). A teacher must â€Å"trust in the Lord with all your heart and lean not on your own understanding† (Proverbs 3:5). Inasmuch as educational theories have been around for centuries, times change, the way that teachers educate students will change, and the way children learn will change. Teachers must adapt to the â€Å"New Age† which includes many forms of technology and new learning theories.

A Systematic Search Of The Database Psycinfo - 1247 Words

Investigatory Design A systematic search of the database PsycINFO was conducted, as this research repository is considered the leading scholarly file of research in the social and behavioral sciences worldwide. Table 1 presents the volume of reference citations regarding drawing tests indexed in PsycINFO. This output illustrates that 73% of all references have appeared since 1989 (614 of 840 citations) based on Total output; for journal references (69%), for books (88%), for dissertations (89%). Based on this analysis there has been no decline on the volume of research on drawing techniques evident in journal publications or books over the past decade. Table 2 summarizes survey findings of both academic and applied settings on training emphasis andusage of drawing techniques since 1989. This analysis includes the 60 published studies that were identified in journal publications, based on clinician/practitioner and academic/trainingsamples, although the vast majority of the data-pool is based on research conducted in the USA. Findings Of note, 2 caveats are in order: First, survey results are almost always based only on those respondents who use tests or based on official clinical records;hence, many studies report data on less than 50% of sample surveyed due to a high percentage of non-responders. Thus, in the aggregate, individual tests may be ‘popular’, but only within the parameters of professionals who rely on tests in assessment. Second, an individual test’s ranking isShow MoreRelatedPlagiarism Assignment Essay example761 Words   |  4 PagesPowerPoint provided on Angel to learn how to utilize the ProQuest PsycINFO database through the WSU library system. 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Limitations of the African Petty Bourgeoisie Creative Writing

WALTER RODNEY (1975), LIMITATIONS of the African petty bourgeoisie, Toronto: Afro-carrib publishers For a long time now since the so called independence which was attained from the imperial powers, the African, Asian and Latin America working and the majority masses have continually experienced deprivation and untold suffering. This is rather ironical considering that it is the same masses under the ‘guidance’ of some indigenous political leaders who struggled to attain this independence. It was expected that the working classes who form the majority of the population would after gaining independence enjoy both political, social and economic freedom. That every person would now have a chance to share the national wealth which was initially a preserve for the colonial masters. This turned out to be just the opposite. The initial control of colonial states or regions’ wealth continued to be dominated directly by the African petty bourgeoisie and indirectly by the colonial masters. What happened is that the so called representative of the masses who had had the privileged of accessing education actually gave to the masses a very raw deal. Instead of advocating for real political and economic power, they colluded with the colonial masters to continue suppressing the masses while enriching themselves beyond measure. Instead of revolutionizing the condition in which their people were in at the time of imperialism, these African petty bourgeoisie just had some few constitutional laws reformed mainly for their own selfish gains rather than for the good of the African masses. â€Å"†¦but the petty bourgeoisie were reformer and not revolutionaries.† The African petty bourgeoisie knew very well that it was difficult for the colonial masters to fully let go the rich source of wealth in the African continent. They knew very well that the lifeline of all the industries established in the European countries largely depended on raw materials from the African soil. This knowledge did not push them in negotiating a good or better deal for the African masses. Instead these traitors played along the tune of the colonial master in the continued oppression of the African people. This article asserts that it is the colonial masters who defined the manner in which constitutional power would be given. This they did to protect their source of wealth which was the major reason for the struggle for independence. They knew very well that giving full political authority to the African leaders would mean forfeiting their economic control over their colonies yet they needed them for continued growth of their mother countries. They thus made a deal with the few African elite or the bourgeoisie in which only the constitutional rather than the real political and economic power was handed to the people. Contrary to the role and the mandate the African leaders had been given by the African masses, they fully accepted the terms and conditions of the imperialist with the full knowledge that this would continue the suffering of the masses at an even larger scale. â€Å"†¦the African petty bourgeoisie accepted this, with only a small amount of dissent and disquiet†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . Among the this African petty bourgeoisie included among others Kenyatta of Kenya, Nkrumah of Ghana, and Nyerere of Tanzania. These leaders together with their colleagues accepted the poor and suppressing terms and conditions at the expense of their people not because they were afraid of pushing for better deals, but because they had self interests and wanted to maintain the African bourgeoisie class which had already established itself. This class had been formed by the privileged few who had had access to the imperial powers education. It is clear that had they pushed for revolutions, then the African masses would have enjoyed more political and economic freedom and there would be no much disparity between the colonial masters and the colonies. This big disparity has been there and would continue to grow since the African countries are under what is known as neo-colonialism. This is a case where by the African petty bourgeoisie, rather than perpetuating for the economic development of their masses, have for a long time collaborated with the colonial masters to protect their positions and wealth, allowing much of the African wealth to be transferred to the former colonial masters under the cover of bogus trade agreements and foreign aid ties. This is the reason for cyclic nature of poverty and suffering in the African countries. It is very ironical that while the colonial masters exploited large regions of this continent with a degree of unity, that these regions could not as a result of gaining independence join forces and form large political kingdoms just as in the western European states. â€Å"†¦ whereas the French had maintained unity for the exploration , the African petty bourgeoisie lacked the capacity to demand both unity and freedom.† It is a known fact that such political and economic unity would lead to decreased costs of production and distribution of wealth and resources would be much easier as compared to the small colonial boundaries which were left behind. If the colonial masters were able to exploit this regions as wholes, why then would these regions not unite and form large units of politically and economically formidable states. These petty African bourgeoisie had witnessed how the imperialists had in Europe done away with the feudal states and formed large political and economic states which in turn led to improved lifestyles not just for a selected few but to the entire masses of the states. â€Å"†¦ they sought political unity to guarantee the integration of production and distribution, giving rise to what were then relatively large nation-states in Britain, France and Germany as compared to the numerous feudal fiefs which previously existed.† Instead of the African pan African movements advocating and pushing for the same political unity, they shamelessly agreed to the division of states into fragments which were both politically and economically weak. This is what is commonly known as the Balkanization. The major aim or objective of pan Africanism was to forge for the unity of the African continent as a whole and not just fragments of the African states. it was to do away with the colonial boundaries which had only been put in place as a result of the portioning of Africa and the need for the imperialists to effect their rule easily. This movement which had began in the union of south Africa in 1912 â€Å"aimed at being African not merely south African.† It was to be renamed later in 1923 to pan-Africanism putting an emphasis to these aim. This aim has although continually been frustrated by the petty African bourgeoisie for their own political and selfish aims and not because of the fear of the former colonial masters. A case in point which presents itself as a perfect example is the western francophone region. This region was fragmented into small states of Niger, Chad, Central African Republic, Ivory coast and upper Volta. If the African elite so wanted, this region could have been politically united and could have been in a better position than how the individual small states are at the moment. Due to their greed and need to maintain their wealth and positions, the African petty bourgeoisie have made it sure that this is not possible. This condition may continue not un less the masses get enlightened and rise against this so called elites. Synthesis Rodney uses the term ‘petty bourgeoisie’ to refer to the post-independence African leaders. It includes those who led Africa into independence and others who took over the leadership roles, either by military force or other. Rodney pays attention to the fact these leaders have failed to lead Africa into actualizing the hopes of the people in their call for independence. He asserts that there have been certain elements to stand in the way of these leaders. The term ‘limitations’ may express a sense of helplessness of these leaders to external forces. On the contrary, while these forces may be from without, they have been helped by the African leaders’ willingness to play along rather than helplessness. Rodney notes that â€Å"the petty bourgeoisie were reformers and not revolutionaries†. This was limitation enough for them to consent with and play along the dividing terms of independence that the colonial powers insisted on. The result was a further fragmentation of Africa, and with which the possibility of authentic Pan-Africanism was relegated. These petty bourgeoisie, in their divided state, became aware of the opportunities that their positions could allow. Faced with the choice of trying to bring Africa together amidst ethnic ambitions sparked by the balkanization set in motion by the departing colonialists and that of being â€Å"compradors† to the international capitalist system and staying in power, the latter was/is an easier to make. These African petty bourgeoisie are hardly/not directly involved in economy of their countries. They are professionals working in the administration and/or in the armed forces: military or police. These positions have placed them at strategic positions to negotiate and ‘receive’ on behalf of the people, which they have used to enrich themselves; to satisfy their selfishness. They don’t see beyond the present gains. â€Å"They lack both the vision and the objective base to essay the leap towards continental unity.† (Rodney, 1975) Actually, they would willingly suppress such visions because it would be against their benefits. The failures of the African rulers are not only attributable to their weakness. Well, they have been weak, and refused to question and say where appropriate. Rodney gives the example of their failure to question the validity of the imperialism-imposed ‘national’ boundaries in spite the fact that this was a shared sentiment between the Pan-Africanists. These leaders were afraid, aware of the determination of the colonial powers, to lose face before those very powers lest the leadership positions be denied them. They had to keep up the good behavior for their own gains and they did it in silence, without any sign whatsoever of dissent. Also, because of this weakness, even in the post colonial period, they have kept on dancing to the tune of the superpowers. They have let themselves be used. â€Å"The capitalist super-powers, directly and indirectly, individually and collectively, guarantee the existence of the African petty bourgeoisie as a ruling class and use them to pe netrate and manipulate African society.† (Rodney, 1975) But these rulers have also grown selfish. They are willing to forget the people for their own good. They are willing to forego any prospective unity just so they can gain. Rodney says, â€Å"The only alliance which the African ruling class now vigorously defends is that with imperialism against the African people. Most decidedly, this power structure does not want to allow the masses either the consciousness or the reality of unity.† The choice of this article was most reasonably appropriate as it brings out clearly the contribution of the African Bourgeoisie to the plight of their own countries. He defines balkanization and attributes it to the elusive Unity of the African states. The author gives a clear picture of the gradual failure of the African states after independence. He however fails to escape criticism as he exposes his weaknesses with the same zeal with which he attempts to seal them. He seems to attribute the failure of African states to the approach taken by their earlier leaders and seems to absolve their colonial masters from their share of the blame. He fails to note that it is the attempt by these same colonial masters to maintain their influence in these countries that has served to narrow their democratic space and to stifle their efforts at development. B) Paraphrasing, also called paraphrasing involves presenting the text of a paragraph, or a sentence without employing the use of Direct quotation but while strictly focusing to convey the same message. Paraphrasing Accordingly it is clearly evident that the failure of the African ruling class was not due to their weakness but due to their negligence and selfish interests. This is evident in the disintegration of the colonial French region in west Africa when the ruling class were negotiating for independence. They had the power and authority to effect some unifying policies for the region to emerge as one but could not do so as that could have been a threat to their interests of enriching themselves at the expense of the people. Considering south Africa whose the white minority rule have extended for quite a long time with support from NATO and other multinational corporations and also the support of the Portuguese minority rule in this region is an evidence that there is more to independence than actually what was or is currently being fought for. From the discussions presented here in, it is clear that the misfortunes that befell Africans were not as a result of their own doings but were caused by their continued negligence and their self-centeredness. The African leaders who took power from their colonial masters were mainly self-seeking and lacked development conscious thereby making them fail in their leadership. When the countries leaders were in discussions with the white minority over attaining independence, they mainly based their reasons for wanting independence on their own regional and individual gains. In western Africa for instance, those vouching for freedom from the French rulers had the ability to negotiate for the uniform freedom. Instead they feared for the infringement of their self interests and presented policies that only benefited a few people at the expense of national interest. The South African example on the other hand has proven that Africans were freer during the colonial error as opposed to the current political situation: the people of South Africa enjoyed more support from the NATO organ and the Portuguese governments compared to what they receive with their incumbent leaders. The political elite in African countries have immersed wealth at the expense of caring for the people’s needs (Rodney, 1975). REFERENCES Rodney, W., (1975).The rise of an African petty bourgeoisie. Toronto: Afro-carrib publishers